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Don't have an account? Organization of American Historians members Sign in via society site. Sign in via your Institution Sign in. Purchase Subscription prices and ordering Short-term Access To purchase short term access, please sign in to your Oxford Academic account above. This article is also available for rental through DeepDyve.

View Metrics. Email alerts New issue alert. Advance article alerts. Article activity alert. Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic. Related articles in Google Scholar. Citing articles via Google Scholar. Forced marches of the captives over long distances claimed many lives. A large number of the enslaved were destined to remain in Africa - many were transported across the Sahara to the north - which heightened the impact of the slave trade on the continent. It is estimated that the population of Africa remained stagnant until the end of the nineteenth century. Besides its demographic toll, the slave trade, and the Africans' resistance to it, led to profound social and political changes.

Social relations were restructured and traditional values were subverted. The slave trade resulted in the development of predatory regimes, as well as stagnation or regression. Many communities relocated as far from the slavers' route as possible. In the process, their technological and economic development was hindered as they devoted their energy to hiding and defending themselves.

The disruption was immense: the relationships between kingdoms, ethnic groups, religious communities, castes, rulers and subjects, peasants and soldiers, the enslaved and the free, were transformed. In some decentralized societies, people evolved new styles of leadership that led to more rigid, hierarchical structures, thought to better ensure protection.

In addition, European powers intervened in the political process to prevent the rise of the African centralized states that would have hampered their operations. In the end, the slave trade left the continent underdeveloped, disorganized, and vulnerable to the next phase of European hegemony: colonialism. The slave trade and slavery left a legacy of violence. Brutality, often of near-bestial proportions, was the principal condition shaping the character of the enforced migration, whether along a trade route, on board ship, or laboring on an American plantation. The degree of power concentrated in the hands of North American slave owners, interested only in maximizing their profits, allowed excessive levels of physical punishment and the perpetuation of sexual abuse and exploitation that have marked in many ways the development of the African-American community.

There was a marked sexual component to the assaults: rape was common. Kinship was disregarded, particularly the paternity of children. Their status reflected the enslaved status of their mothers, no matter who their father might have been. Slave owners treated their unpaid, overworked labor forces as mere chattel.

Avoiding and resisting violence were determining characteristics of the responses of the Africans to their forced migration experience. Individuals attempted to evade physical abuse through strategies of accommodation, escape, and on several occasions, violent rebellion. The preservation and adaptation of African cultural forms to respond to the new needs of the enslaved population was also an act of resistance to the imposition of European norms.

Unlike earlier slave systems, in the Americas racial distinctions were used to keep the enslaved population in bondage. Contrary to what happened in Latin America, where racial stratification was more complex, in North America, any person of identifiable African descent, no matter the degree of "white" ancestry, was classified as colored, Negro, or black. A racial caste system was established, and as a result racialized attitudes and racism became an inherent and lasting part of North American culture.

Though enslaved individuals came from widely different backgrounds and the number of ethnic groups and markers of identity were extensive, certain ethnicities, cultural forms, and languages - usually in pidgin and creolized forms - as well as religions proved sustainable and were maintained, sometimes exaggerated and manipulated during the process of adjusting to enslavement in the Americas. The overarching result of African migration during the slavery era was an "American" culture, neither "European" nor "African," created in a political and economic context of inequality and oppression.

The African contribution to this new culture was a towering legacy, hugely impacting on language, religion, music, dance, art, and cuisine. Most importantly, an enduring sense of African-American community developed in the face of white racism. Gemery and J.

Hogendorn eds. Curtin, Philip D. Diouf, Sylviane. Donnan, E. Drescher, Seymour. Eltis, David and Engerman, Stanley L. Eltis, David and Engerman, Stanley, L. Eltis, David and Walvin, James eds. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press , Engerman, S. Princeton: Princeton University Press , New York: Penguin Books, Fage, J.

Florentino, Manolo G. Gemery, Henry and Hogendorn, J. Gomez, Michael. Handler, Jerome S. Herskovits, Melville J. Heywood, Linda, ed. Higman, B. Inikori, Joseph E. Karasch, Mary C. Kea, Raymond , Klein, Herbert S. Klein, Martin. Kulikoff, Allan. Law, Robin. The Slave Coast of West Africa Oxford: Clarendon Press , The Oyo Empire, c. Law, Robin ed. Law, Robin , The Oyo Empire, c. Law, Robin , "Slaves, trade and taxes: the material basis of political power in pre-colonial West Africa," Research in Economic Anthropology , 1 , Law, Robin and Lovejoy, Paul E. Lovejoy, Paul E. Willey and C. Wise, eds.

Law, ed. Stirling: Centre for Commonwealth Studies , Lovejoy, P. Shepherd and Glen L. Richards eds. Manning, Patrick , Slavery and African Life. Miers, S. Miers, Suzanne and Roberts, Richard eds. The End of Slavery in Africa. Miller, Joseph C.

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Transatlantic slave trade

Slavery and Slaving in World History. A Bibliography, Armon, NY. Mintz, Sidney W. Morgan, Philip. Palmer, Colin A. Pavy, David. Price, Richard. Rodney, Walter. Rodney, Walter , "Slavery and other forms of social oppression on the Upper Guinea Coast in the context of the Atlantic slave trade," Journal of African History , 7, 4 , Sweet, James H. Thornton, John K. Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. Wilks, Ivor. It features in-depth information and analysis on history and art.

Click on Benin, Ghana, and Senegal to see sites related to the transatlantic slave trade. African societies and cultures, and the transatlantic slave trade. Information, pictures, illustrations, portraits of African victims of the slave trade. This Library of Congress sites contains over a hundred pamphlets and books.

Search by keywords or browse the subject index. This Library of Congress site offers complete page images of the titles in the African American Pamphlet Collection, as well as searchable electronic texts and bibliographic records.

Use keywords such as slave trade or Africa; or browse the subject index. This is one of the most complete sites for teachers on the subject of the transatlantic slave trade available. The site aims to help teachers and educators to "Break the Silence" that continues to surround the story of the enslavement of Africa that began over years ago. Links to maps of the trade routes and to class plans for teaching this emotional yet pertinent subject are also available.

This University of Calgary informative site contains a lengthy history of the transatlantic slave trade, illustrations, and maps. Autobiographies of African victims of the slave trade, and Europeans' descriptions of the slave trade. The Gilder Lehrman Center for the Study of Slavery, Resistance and Abolition at Yale maintains a site on various topics including the Amistad , and numerous documents relating to slavery.

Once agreement has been reached over the price and the assortment of trade goods that it represents and, [the merchandise] has been inspected, the mulatto seals the negotiations by offering a bottle of the best tafia cane brandy , which is emptied instantly. He [then] takes advantage of the inebriety of the two Africans to slip lower quality trade goods into the bundle than those agreed upon.

The Rise and Fall of the Slave Trade - OpenLearn - Open University

Ample amounts of this intoxicant were thereafter used to render the negotiating capabilities of Umbundu speakers less effective. Then, instead of inserting the Brazilian spirit in the bundle of trade items agreed upon, Benguela' s commercial agents introduced a much tampered alcoholic drink, as well as other lower quality goods, all, no doubt, to augment profit margins. The value of the slave in Viye is established at 80 panos of cotton cloth: but payment is not made with only this type of merchandise.

Sugar cane brandy, on the other hand, accounted for some The weight of aguardente de cana in the acquisition of slaves throughout the central highlands was thus not negligible. Indeed, one of the most important functions of cane brandy was as part and parcel of the presents forwarded by colonial officials to the rulers of the numerous states emerging on the central plateau to further slave trading. The oral tradition relating this fact provides no clue at all as to why the alcohol was forwarded.

But Caconda had been relocated to gain control over and expand slave trading on the highlands. Consequently, the reason behind this gift was surely to encourage the rulers of Kalukembe to supply captives to the agents of Benguela' s slave trading community. Then, in , the Governor of Angola, Manuel de Almeida Vasconcelos, forwarded from Luanda six barrels of aguardente do Reino and some thirty-one litres of strong liqueurs to Messo Ababa, the ruler of Mbailundu, while roughly sixty-two litres of the same intoxicant were destined for the latter' s subjects Similarly, in , after the soba or African chief of Cabo Negro asked the Governor of Benguela for a Portuguese representative and trade, the colonial official trusted with this mission did not fail to provide an unspecified amount of aguardente de cana to the newly found commercial partner The connection between offering gifts in the form of foreign alcohol to local potentates and furthering Benguela' s slave export economy was thus far from tangential.

In Angola, these drinking establishments were rare outside of the major colonial centres. But a few do seem to have operated inland from Benguela. During the mids, for example, the commandant of the small garrison established in the hamlet of Kilenges, owned a tavern that sold only one type of alcoholic beverage, Brazilian cane brandy And at least two agents of Benguela' s trading community ran taverns outside of this hamlet, selling exclusively cane brandy to the local African population Although it is not possible from the evidence at hand to determine which commodities were received as payment, slaves were, given the context, most probably amongst them.

This was the case in the white-wash and salt factories located to the north of Benguela.

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Labourers from the neighbouring areas were periodically called into service for these colonial works. But, towards the very end of the eighteenth century, they were rarely answering the call. The reason was that the conscripted workers were just not being paid according to their labour. What they did receive on a daily basis was about 1. As a result, not a few of the pressed Africans preferred to lose themselves in the bush. By the mids, this mine had fallen into neglect and become flooded.

But plans were soon devised to bring it back into production. Governor Botelho Vasconcelos, or one of his immediate successors, followed Costa' s recommendation and the mine soon began to operate again. But, as of , its workers had still received no payment, whether in money or in kind. Two years later, the situation had changed, presumably due to the arrival of a new and less rapacious administrator.

Throughout the month of September, , the thirty-three conscripted individuals working in the mine received sixty-nine litres of sugar cane brandy and rations of tobacco, beans, and manioc flour for their labour In January of , a larger group of fifty-five forced labourers received some litres of aguardente de cana , as well as tobacco, in the form of payment Towards the end of , these two items still constituted the wages given to those working in the sulphur mine of Ndombe Grande As the Governor of Angola put it in , drawing upon the cheap cane brandy to pay the Africans labouring in the mine turned out to be a real bargain for the Royal Treasury and, apparently, kept the workers in a most content state Portuguese authorities also used imported alcohol as a means of rewarding African political leaders who provided the labour necessary for these types of ventures.

In , nearly nine litres of vinho , as well as some tobacco, were offered to the soba who had sent thirty-three labourers to the sulphur mine in Ndombe Grande And in the first month of , a total of twenty-five litres of the less costly Brazilian cane brandy, not to mention tobacco, were equally divided amongst three other sobas who had similarly provided workers for the same mine Early in November, , workers resorted to helping themselves to the aguardente de cana stored in the unlocked and unprotected warehouse of the white-wash factory to north of Benguela, consuming one ancoreta in a single day and night Delgado Violence, or the threat thereof, also emerged as a means through which to acquire relatively large amounts of the Brazilian spirit.

In December of , for example, a band of warriors led by the ruler of Ngalangi was marching westward across the plateau into Kilenges. The condition for these fighting men to leave the area in peace and return to their homeland was the exaction of tribute from the Portuguese regent there, its the Luso-African residents, and the soba of Sokoval.

Slavery in the Spanish New World colonies

Part of the payment included no less than litres of cane brandy ibid. Then, late in , another band of warriors from the soba of Hako was returning from an expedition near the Kwanza River. Along the way, it encountered agents of Benguela' s trading community, who were promptly relieved of some goods and an unspecified amount of aguardente de cana At the end of the s, Douville witnessed a similar seizure in Mbailundu:.

We were about to sit at the table when some 40 blacks forced their way into the house and took two barils of tafia and two bales of cloths. This merchandise is destined to pay for eight slaves that a black man from a neighbouring agglomeration of captives owes me. With the ban approaching, he continued, there were already no textiles or Brazilian cane brandy being forwarded from the coast inland. And, he alarmingly informed, sobas throughout the highlands had begun to openly say that they would bring war upon Benguela to probe the motives behind this state of affairs The scent reached a Mbailundu war party on its way to sack the Humbe, further south.

In other instances, requests for the booze transported by the caravans were far less threatening. Even local artists had come to expect their performances to be paid, in part, by this Brazilian distillate. This was the dreaded mucano , a judicial proceeding and its corresponding punishment, which consisted in every type of crime committed by one person against another or any contentious issue arising between individuals being adjudicated, justly or not, by local political authorities, who then imposed upon the accused the payment of an indemnity to the offended party Between the middle of and the end of , he was accused of no fewer than mucanos , crimes that cost him 5.

The reason was that Antonio D. Since the dead man had been part of Silva Porto' s caravan, it was up to its white leader to pay for the life of the deceased. Ten days later the slave was dead.

Louisiana Slave Trade

One year later, a caravan with which Silva Porto was travelling was met in Wambo by a local warrying party requesting payment for another crime. A former captain of sova Kallandula seems to have been engaged in a conspiracy.

The Atlantic Slave Trade: Crash Course World History #24

The alleged conspirator happened to be a friend of Silva Porto, who kept him supplied with gunpowder, arms, cloths, and aguardente , goods that the ex-captain apparently used to distribute amongst supporters of Callandula' s rival. All in all, 24 out of mucanos paid by Silva Porto from to involved 26 ancoretas and garrafas or bottles of aguardente The early seventeenth century alcohol consumption patterns of the African populations that inhabited this region, characterized by locally produced, low alcohol content fluids, drank predominantly during occasions sanctioned by society, were thereby altered.

A decade or so later, this distilled spirit had reportedly also emerged into the most prized alcoholic drink of Umbundu speakers on the plateau itself Pinheiro de Lacerda In Wambo, as Silva Porto wrote in , ancoretas of aguardente had become part of the Mambj , the ritual that followed the death of the local ruler Three years later, Magyar observed that the consumption of cane brandy amongst the Ndombe, in the immediate neighbourhood of Benguela, had become so generalized that the drunkness resulting therefrom was viewed as an honourable affair: the only way they could be enticed to work was if wanted to drink this Brazilian spirit Magyar in progress: chap.

Over the course of two and a half centuries, foreign intoxicants had thus also insinuated themselves into the social fabric of the inland African populations that underpinned Benguela' s slave trade. By the late s, according to Douville , vol. Such a generalization grossly oversimplified the situation. In the s, Magyar estimated the total population of the plateau at slightly over 1. Even if we multiply the known volume of alcohol imports at Benguela between and by a factor of ten to account for smuggling and assume that all made its way to the plateau, the amount was far from sufficient to turn the large numbers of consumers throughout the central highlands into drunken sots.

But it was certainly enough for those underpinning Benguela' s slave export economy to acquire a definite taste for the low cost, highly alcoholised cane brandy. When this economy collapsed during the s, so did the importation of the Brazilian intoxicant at Cattle Bay. But by then, the transition to legitimate commerce was already well under way. Drawing upon slave labour that would previously have been exported to Brazil, sugar plantations began to mushroom throughout central Angola.

In , this thriving industry was destroyed overnight by the central government in Lisbon. In its stead, Angola was turned into an exclusive dumping ground for the fortified wines of Portugal, a process that ended in , when the colony finally secured its independence Each of these subsequent phases threw upon earlier developments.

They too need to be reconstructed in order to better understand the long history of alcohol in Angola. R OOM eds. C AHEN dir. I Lisboa: Imprensa Beleza. I Paris: Jules Renouard.